Historia

The Reformation That Failed

Chris Schlect

One disappointing aspect of studying modern Eastern Orthodoxy is the lack of a brief, systematic statement of Eastern doctrine. All too often in their literature, they leave key terms undefined and fail to draw important distinctions, very unlike the precision and care of ancient Eastern thought. We do not encounter this difficulty with Roman Catholics. One thing we learn from church history is that theological controversy produces clarity and refinement of doctrine. Romanists and Protestants have been arguing with one another for centuries now. Issues have been clearly defined in the debate, and the points of disagreement have been finely articulated. But the Eastern Orthodox have not argued with anyone for nearly a thousand years.

But the seventeenth century did see one Orthodox prelate, Cyril Lucaris, Patriarch of Constantinople, produce a clear statement of faith. Strangely, it was composed in Latin rather than Greek, it was published not in Constantinople but in Geneva, and it was blatantly Calvinistic. Doctrinally speaking, Patriarch Cyril Lucaris was a Protestant.[*]

Born Constantine Lucaris in 1572 into a family committed to the Greek Church, his father guided him to a good church education. This opened later opportunities for him as a clergyman. Upon ordination in 1595 he took the name Cyril Lucaris.

The next year he was sent to Poland as exarch of the Patriarch of Alexandria. There his attention turned toward enhancing Orthodox schools, a charge in which he was quite effective. In Poland Cyril enjoyed his first pleasant interaction with Protestants.

In 1601 he was called back to Alexandria by the Patriarch, who died two days later. The synod elected Cyril to be the successor. Being of great energy and intellect, Cyril's time in Egypt was rather unchallenging until he befriended a Dutchman named van Haag. Van Haag exposed him to numerous Reformed theological works and introduced him to personal contacts with eminent Dutch theologians, with whom he corre-spondended for years. By 1613 Cyril's letters revealed a strong sympathy for Protestant doctrine. In one exchange he explained that the Greeks ought to abandon their superstitions and depend solely upon the authority of the Scriptures and the Holy Spirit. In other correspondence he repudiated the supremacy of tradition, icons in worship, and the invocation of saints.

Cyril confined such remarks to his interaction with the Dutch, but he was vocally anti-Roman. This public stance was popular with the Greeks, and he was consequently elected to the most prestigious Patriarchate -- Constantinople -- in 1612. He declined, but later accepted another offer in 1620. Hoping for a different Patriarch who would cooperate with Rome, Jesuits spread false rumors against Cyril. Though his Reformed tendencies were known well to foreigners, the Greeks were largely unaware of their Patriarch's convictions. The Jesuits wanted them aired to undermine his popularity. These tactics and other Jesuit conspiracies against him had little success.

In 1628 Cyril became intimate friends with a Savoyard Huguenot who had been educated in Geneva. The latter encouraged Cyril in his theological views and persuaded him to air them openly. To facilitate this they made connections with a printing press in Geneva.

The first book that Cyril commissioned was a translation of the New Testament into modern Greek, which appeared in 1630. Cyril's bishops greeted it with strong disapproval. They were wary of such tampering with the Scriptures even though the original text was provided in parallel. But the Orthodox faithful were much more alarmed to read the work of their Patriarch's own pen that came from the Genevan press, his Confession of Faith . With this work Cyril hoped to abate the Romanizing tendencies in the Orthodox church, and to lay a foundation for reformation. Its publication was the momentous event of his life. It is reprinted in The Puritan Eye in this issue (p.12)

The Confession 's statements on sin, God's providence, Scripture and tradition, predestination, election and free will, and justification are decidedly Calvinistic. No statement in the Ecumenical Councils counteract Cyril's affirmations on these matters, but his flock was certainly not accustomed to such teachings. Many were shocked. One remark that especially stood out was his repudiation of images, which few could reconcile with the language of the Seventh Council.

At least five metropolitans immediately conspired against Cyril, but fell short of ousting him. One man, Cyril Contari (Cyril II), presented himself as a rival to Cyril Lucaris (Cyril I) and bought the Patriarchate by paying off the Sultan. Dutch supporters of Cyril Lucaris soon reinstated the Calvinist to the Patriarchate by way of an even greater gift to the Sultan. In 1635 Contari persuaded the Synod to depose Cyril I again, and secretly conspired to give him over to the Roman inquisition. Thus Contari gained the Patriarchate a second time, but his plot against Cyril I failed. In the meantime Contari held a Synod that anathematized Cyril I as a heretic, but he was deposed after the discovery of his connections with Rome. A new Patriarch was chosen who cancelled the anathema and stepped aside to once again restore Cyril I to the Patriarchate, now for the third time.

His next trial was his last. One of Cyril Contari's chaplains was bribed, and before the Sultan he accused Cyril I of treason. The Calvinist Patriarch was arrested and, while being transported in custody, was strangled and cast into the sea. The Sultan restored Cyril II to the Patriarchal throne, but eventually deposed him after he swore allegiance to Pope Urban VIII.

The reformation of Patriarch Cyril Lucaris failed. His followers had no lasting impact, though his Genevan logic offered an antidote to the Greek obscurantism and mysticism that were gaining hold in the Orthodox church. By God's mysterious providence, the Greeks rejected this faithful antidote.


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Credenda/Agenda Vol. 6, No. 5